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OF 



MR. HENRY J. RAYMOm, 

or S7£iKr -iroRK, 

IN THE ASSEMBLY, IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE 
ON THE RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO SLAVERY IN 
THE TERRITORIES. 



[This edition of Mr. Raymond's remarks is published by the Whig Members of the Assembly, Irom 
a belief that it may be of service, in correcting misapprehensions and misrepresentations that 
are prevalent, concerning the position of the friends of the National and State Administrations 
■pen the general subject of Slavery. The report hasjjeen submitted to Mr. Raymond's 
revision.] 



•Saturday, January 20. 

Mr. RAYMO^fD addressed the committee sub- 
tiin'ially as folloViS : — 

It will doubtless be remembered, Mr. Chairman, 
by this committee, that at an earl/ stage of this ses- 
BioD, at the earliest moment indeed, when it could 
be done, I took occasion to submit a series of reso- 
Jutions expressing my owg sentiments as to the ac- 
tion proper to be taken on the general subject now 
before us— and thai on that occasion, moreover, I 
expressed my anxious desire that we should imme- 
diately act on the resolutions: — and from that time 
to thia I have constantly reiterated my willingness, 
and so far as I know, that of the party with which 
I ha 'e the honor to act, to take action summarily 
on t'-.ose resolutions and on this general subject. 

It is hardly worth while to remark now on the 
reaaons why the subject has been postponed until 
the present tine. I think, however, I may safely 
claim, that I am not cbaoxious — nor is the party 
with which I act, — to the charge ol avoiding action 
or diacaesion on this subject, either in coramitiee of 
the whole or in the house. I am gratified, sir, that 
we have at last reached it, and that there is a pros- 
pect of our taking aciion on it. 

Many ct the remarks made, however, indicate, as 
it seema to me, a misapprehension on the part of 
gentlemen who have taken part in the discussion, 
and on the part of others, — a misapprehension which 
I do not suppose is really entertained — but which 
has the appearance of prevailing — a misapprehen- 
sion in form, if not in fact. The cnurte of remark 
has apparently been based on the supposition that 
we v.-ere about to legislate on the subject, — that this 
legislature had been called on to make some affirm- 
ative law for the government of the new territo- 
ries. That is not the case, as every gentleman of 
this committee is, of course, aware. All that thes? 
resolutions, — all that this house, or that thic com- 



mittee, prop6£e to do, is simply to set forth the sen- 
timents and opinions of the People ot the State of 
New York, as we understand them, on a subject of 
great interest and importance to ihem and to the 
whole country. 

The Federal Government is charged with the 
duty of legislating for our common country. The 
State of New York is an important portion of the 
federal government. She sends to its councils two 
Senators, or one- thirtieth part of that branch of the 
government, and thirty-four Representatives, or 
one-seventh part of the popular representation of 
this whole Union. She is entitled, therefore, to let 
her opinions and principles be known. Sbe has a 
right to ask of the whole Union, that she may set 
forth the grounds and principles on which she expects 
her one-ocvenih portion of the legislative power of 
this country to be exercised. It is that which we 
now propose to do ; and nothing beyond that has 
been as yet proposed in any quarter. 

This proposition has been met, in limine, by the 
objection that it is not proper to instruct ou:' repre- 
sentatives at Washington, as to cur wishes on this 
subj i:t. Now, sir, if we are to confine that word 
to it:; technical meaning, if we go so far as to say 
that these representatives shall follow the hne of 
conduct which we may dictate and direct them to 
purFiip, or els© resign their reats, then I coincide in 
that objection. It has n^ver been my bflief that, 
to -ny such extreme, tbe dfctrine of iDstructions 
wss tenable. I take the word as used in ihe com- 
mon law of politics. I take it simply to mean, that 
we set forth before our representatives, the princi- 
ples which we, from whom they derive their power, 
desire to see maintained, and on which we expect 
them to conduct the legislation of tha country. — 
Within this limit I cannot conceive any pcssible 
objection to the use cf the word, or to the action 
which it implies. The principle is one which pre- 



vaila in every representative government, — in every 
government where the popular element finds any ad- 
mlEsion. It prevails in England to a far greater 
extent than gentlemen taking this view of the ques- 
tion seem to suppose. The British House of Com- 
mons represents the sovereign people of England, 
so far as the people are sovereign in England ; — and 
whenever that house instructs the Prime Minister, 
he resigns at once, if he cannot comply with their 
inBtructions. We do not propose to carry this doc- 
trine to any such extreme. We seek merely to in- 
form our Representatives what our principles are, 
on a subject of Irauscendent interest to us and to the 
whole country ; and furthermore, to give them to 
understand that we expect them to a,ct accordingly, 
if they sse fit to consult our wishes. 

And now, what is the subject on which we pro- 
pose thus to instruct our Senators and Representa- 
tives at Washington? 

It happens, as all are aware, that a large territory 
has recently been added to this country. It is soon 
to be admitted into this Union in a more perman- 
ent form, — to share with us the political power of 
the Union, — to unite with us in regulating the re- 
lations and shaping the destinies of this Union ; 
and the question to be settled by Congress is, on 
vhat terms shall this new territory be thus admitted 
to share our political power. And there is but one 
element, that creates any special division among 
the people of this country, on this subject, — and that 
is the element of Slavery. The South insists on the 
right to extend slavery into the new territories. — 
The North refuses to allow that extension to take 
place. That is the general issue now before the 
country, on which we propose to instrust our repre- 
sentatives. 

Now, there are various grounds on which the 
South prefers this claim. She does so, first, on the 
ground of interest. The slaveholders of the South 
claim that it is for their interest to add new slave 
territory to the Union, inasmuch as it will open a 
new market lor their slaves, create new fields for 
their labor and thus increase their- value. They 
claim the right thus to increase the value of 
their slave property. They claim it on the higher 
and, to them and us, the more important ground, 
that they have a right thereby to fortify slavery, 
as it now exists within their own limits, where all 
concede, they have over it sovereign power. They 
insist, that if these territories are made free, the 
Slave States will be hemmed in, — that slavery will 
be imprisoned, — that their slaves will be rendered 
comparatively worthle8S,and that in process of time, 
slavery must cease to exist, as a social and politi- 
cal institution within their limits. They claim the 
right to take whatever steps they may deem necessa- 
ry in 'his direction,to fortify this institution, — to build 
it up, to lay its fonndations deep and broad and to 
strengthen its buttresxes and make the instiiution as 
firm and unyielding as iHe adamant of our Republic. 
They further claim the rigVt, by making it slave ter- 
ritory ,to increase their political power. They virtual- 
ly claim that they, the Slave States, should have the 
ascendancy in this common Union, or at least, the 
most moderate of Southern politicians claim, that 
the South shall have an equality of power in this 
respect with the North. They claim that the num- 
ber of the Slave States shall be at least equal to 
that of the Free States. These are some of the ge- 
neral grounds on which the South claims the right 
to extend slavery into free territory. 
The North denies the justice of these claims, and 



refuses to concede them: and she does this oi\ va- 
rious grounds. She does it, first, because she be- 
lieves Slavery to be an evil — an evil socially, and 
an evil politically. The North holds Slavery to be 
in direct and palpable contradiction to the law of 
nature. The North believes that it is hostile to the 
best interests of our common country, that it is at war 
with all the rights of humanity, and in direct oppo- 
sition to the fundamental principles, on which this 
great republic rests. It is natural, that, holding this 
opinion, the ♦forth should desire to sec Slavery come 
to an end everywhere, not in any one section or 
country, but in all sections and in all coutitries, not 
in any o.ie part of tlie globe alone, but on every spot 
of earth where man has been made the slave of his 
fellow-man. She desires this result to come about 
peacefully — quietly — under the influence of what- 
ever causes may now be working in that direction. 
She does not desire that " bloody inventions" should 
be brought into use, to b;ing about that consumma- 
tion, but simply that the issue should be left to the 
operation of those causes which may be working, in 
accordance with the laws of nature, its final extinc- 
tion. Having this desire, the very reasons which 
the South urges, for extending Slavery, become for 
the INorlh reasons of tenfold strength against it. 
If that extension will fortify Slavery— build it up — 
make it a permanent part of our republican institu- 
tions, — oji that account, the North denies the jus- 
lice of the claim, and refuses acquiescence in it. 

And this is no new ground — no new desire on 
the part of the North. The North has always op- 
posed Slavery. She was opposed to it in the for- 
mation of the government — though then, this like 
the rest was a Slave State. The North opposed it 
in the formation of the Constitution, but she did not 
succeed in her opposition then, because she deem- 
ed the Union essential, and without concession to 
Slavery the Union could not have been formed. — 
But the North did abolish Slavery within her own 
borders, as soon as it could be done. She did not 
" wait until it had ceased to be profitable." 

Now, some general considerations must, of ne- 
cessity, mingle with this subject — considerations 
growing out of the nature of slavery as it exists 
here, and in other countries, and the means 
by which it may be extirpated. Slavery has 
existed in almost all nations of the earth at some 
stage of their existence. It is one of the results of 
that period of baAarism which has always distin- 
guished the infancy of every nation. But, it has 
always yielded to the humanizing influences of civ- 
ilization, of cultivation, and above all, of Christian- 
ity. These have brought it to an end, in nearly 
every country on the globe. Nations have got rid 
of it under these influences. As a general rule, (if 
a general rule can be laid down where the process 
has been so multiform,) it has been extinguished by 
making the slaves predial— by attaching them to 
the soil — so that they could not be alienated with- 
out a transfer of the property itself. It is on this 
ground, and from this example, that the South appre- 
hends that slavery maybe brought to an end, if it is 
confined to its present limits. Whether slavery will 
thus be brought to an end in this country, may be 
doubtful. It is one of the worst signs of the times 
that in this nineteenth century of the christian era, 
one half of this great Republic should look upon 
human slavery as morally, socially and politically a 
blessing, and seek to fortify it and make it perpetual. 

For my own part, I believe that its end most 
come. la ibis country, as in every other country 



where ii has ever had existence, its extinction must 
at 6ome time, more or less remote, be brought 
about. The laws of nature, which are laws of jus- 
tice and of goodness, will bring about this consum- 
mation, provided they are left to workout their due 
efTect. The Souih feels tliis and struggles against 
it. She may resist it, but she cannot defeat it. 
The laws of man may delay, but they cannot over- 
come or destroy its power. It ie part of that "migh- 
ty stream of tendency" which is resistless as time 
itself. The s'ars in their courses may as well be 
opposed. Its operation may be slow, but it is cer- 
tain. It may not be heard but it will be felt. Its 
onward march is like that of the stars in heaven, 
which " neither haste nor wait." , 

And this ground of the South, that Slavery must 
be predominant — that it is a great and essential 
element in cur political institutions, is new ground. 
It was never held by our early patriots and states- 
men, by Washington, JclTerson, Madison, nor any 
of the wise and just men who made our country 
what it is. The first formal proclamation of this 
doc<rine within my knowledge was made by Mr. 
Calhoun, while Secretary of State, in his despatch 
to Mr. King then rur minister in France, in which 
he set it forth as the policy of this federal Union, 
the government of this our common country, to for- 
tify and perpetuate slavery as an essential part of 
our institutions. That declaration was the key 
to all the subsequent movemenls of the South, 
against which the North has taken a stand. — 
It was the key to the intrigues in regard to 
the annexation of Texas, which were in progress 
when it was made. It is the key to that war with 
Mexico, which has brought into our possession this 
territory, for which we are about to instruct our 
Representatives in Congress how we desire them to 
egislate. The effect of that declaration has been 
o re-awaken this sentiment against Slavery through- 
out the Northern States. And now, when the 
South seeks to extend Slavery into territory now 
free, for the purpose of postponing the dace of Us 
extinction, and making it permanent if possible, — 
the North feels bound, by her sense of justice and 
hnmanity, by her sense of duty to herself, and by 
every sentiment of respect for the public judgment 
of the civjlized world, to resist the endeavor to the 
utmost ot her power, — on the very ground upon 
which it is mada by the Soath. 

Another reason why the North opposes the 
extension of slavery into free territory, is, an 
unwillingness to extend still farther the unequal 
♦epresentaiion that slavery now gives to the 
Southern States. As ali are aware, in enu- 
merating the inhabitants of the Southern States — 
as a basis of representation in Congress, three fiftlis 
of all the slaves are coanted, or in other words, five 
slaves count as three whites. They are not counted 
by themselves, and 'vith reference to the representa- 
tion of their interests, — but with reference to the 
interests of their masters ; and thus, the power that 
their numbers give, is used against them by those 
to whom they ^ive it. 

How unequal this is, all are aware. New York, 
with her large population has thirty-four represen- 
tatives, or one to every 70,000 inhabitants; South 
Carolina has seven, or one to every 23,000 of her 
white population ; Pennsylvania has 24 represen- 
tatives, or one to every 70,000 ; while Virginia 
has one to every 52,000 whites; Ohio has twen- 
ty-one representatives, or one to every 70,000 ; 
Miseiesippi has one to every 40,000 whites. And 



the same contrast may be traced throughout. The 
ratio of representation, so far as the whites are con- 
cerned, is oi'ly half as great at the South, as at the 
North. This the North regards as unequal. The 
South is represented more largely than the North, 
twice as largely almost. Let it be understood that 
the North does not object to this, in reference to 
any State now in the Union ; she hes nothing to 
say against it so far as it is secured by the Consti- 
tution. But she docs object to extending it indefi- 
nitely — she objects to extending it at all. She resists 
the claim of the South to ascendancy in the Union, as 
forming no part of the Constitution. It did not enter 
into cither the letter or the spirit of the compact. 

Here Mr. MONROE interposed, saying that he 
hoped his friend would pardon him, if he gave him 
an opportunity to correct himself on this point — 
His co'.league had stated that five slaves counted 
as many as three whites in the representation — and 
^pon that ground argued that the representation of 
the Southwas hereby unequally increased. His friend 
did not mean that^he was sure — for the negroes of 
the North each counted as one in the basis of rep- 
resentation. In the South, five negroes only coun- 
ted as three. 

Mr. RAYMOND : I endeavored to make that 
point clear, but I see I did it imperfectly. The 
difference in the two cases is this. At the 
North, the interest of every iite negro is identical 
with that of e?ery other laboring man. Free ne- 
groes mingle with us, as part of our laboring com- 
munity. When counted as part of the basis of re- 
presentation, therefore, it is the interest of labor and 
of our laboring class that is represented. Now, 
how 13 it at the South 1 — Are the interests of slaves 
a? laborers, represented at all ? It was to this point, 
f tried to speak. The interest of the slave as a 
man — as a laborer, as part of a political communi- 
ty. Is not represented : — as the property of his own- 
er — and for the sake of his owner, he is represent- 
ed, — and that is all. His owner takes the power 
which the census of the slave gives him, and uses 
it for his own protection against the slave. That 
is the vital distinction which touches the very root 
of the matter. And this feature makes it all the 
more odious to the North, that Slavery should be 
extended beyond its present boundaries. 

Mr. MONROE was perfectly aware of the gen- 
tlemen's line of argument — but it was the matter 
of fact which he desired should be understood at 
the North, and which the gentleman had presented, 
unintentionally, no doubt, in a wrong light. As 
five Slaves counted bat three in the basis of repre- 
sentation at the South, the proportion of represen- 
tation at the South, was, by just so much, lessened 
— and that of the North increased — five negroes at 
the South were not represented as fully as five ne- 
groes at the North. Had the North any reason to 
complain of that? He repeated, he knew his friend 
did not intend to represent this matter in a wrong 
light — but he insisted, that the fact on which the 
gentleman was arguing, presented as it should be, 
would show that its operation was to weaken the 
South, not to strensthen it, in Congress. 

Mr. RAYMOND : We do not misunderstand 
each other at all. The representation of the two 
classes is not the same thing, and when the gentle- 
man undertakes to show that slaves are represented 
less fully than the free negroes of the North, he doea 
not touch the real point at issue. As I said before, 
the free negroes of the North are represented as la- 
borers, and BO far the interests of labor are repre- 



8 



s^sted thereby. At the South, the slaves are not 
represented as laborers, but as ibe property of the.r 
masters. The mister has this power of represen- 
tation given to him by the slave ; — but instead cf 
being used by the master, on behalf of the slave 
and for his protection, it is used against him. I be- 
lieve that stales the whol^; qaestion fairly and fully. 
As 1 was saying, the North protests against this 
extension ot Slavery, claimed for the purpose of giv- 
ing the South the ascendancy in the affairs of the 
Union. The Ndnh is wiUing that the South should 
enjoy all the advantages of the Consiituaon to v.-hich 
both are parties, lo the fulies; extent. The North 
is willing that tiie South shcu'd retain over its slaves 
sovereign, entire and perfect control. But when 
the qaestion comes to be one of aicendancy in the 
Union — wnen the South exacts a majority of sov- 
ereign Slates, and consequsnily a permanent, irre- 
versible command of one biaiich of the federal gov- 
ernment, — »h;n she thus demands domitiion over 
our common country and over all our common ia- 
terests, the North feels bound to say, that it is not 
" in the bond," that it forms no part of the letter or 
spirit of the agreement that was made lor the pro- 
tection of the rights v. h:ch the South now has, or 
which ehe had when the compact was made. — 
Those rights we wiil preserve intact. I know of no 
intention or dispositioti in the North, or in this body, 
to trespass on ihosi righis thus guaranteed. 

I believe I have correctly statfd the main issue 
between the North and the Souih, on this subject. 
As a general thing we may say, that ihe People of 
the North assent to the position I have laid down 
for them. I think I shall be quite correct when I 
say that the great body of the people of the North, 
agree that, for these reasons. Slavery should not be 
extended into free territory. 

I may go turther,and say that all political pirties 
at the North, now profess to bf governed by the same 
desire. -All political parlies proclaim it as their de- 
sire that slavery should not be extended into fre* i 
territory. They do this, because they know that 
the people demand it ; and the fact that they do j 
thus put forward this profession, on all occasions, is 
the best evidence in ihe world, that the people do 
drtnand it. 

I now come to the practical question, which is 
the only question involved — the means by which 
euch extension shall be prevented. How shall this 
end, which the whole North desires, be attained? 
What means should be adopted to carry it out? 
And the proper way to test the sincerity cf these 
professions is to look at the actions of those who 
make them. Who are in favor of taking such ac- 
tion, as will most effectually, most certainly, carry 
oni this common desire of the people of New-York ! 
And it is to that test that 1 invite the attention of 
this committee. 

This territory now b.'longs to the United States. 
It was acqnred by the war with Me.\ico. Oise 
great motive with those through whose intrigues 
and diplomacy that v.ar was brought about, is now 
well uiidersiood to have been the a .qiisition of this 
territory. It was veclared in the United States, by 
the leader ot one « f the great political parties oi 
this country — I mean Senaicr Cass— it was declar- 
ed by him m 1847, .that " there were important po- 
litical confiiierjtio.is, which point to Me extensw7i 
of our territory, as one of ihs great measures of 
safety for our institutions." He did not allege it a. 
a particular rule for that emergency, but as a gen- 
eral rule — that extensiou wts the true policy cf the 



United States. And the same doctrine was laid 
down, I think in the same year, in *47, by a distin- 
guished Senator from this State, by the leading man 
of the same party — the man put forward by that 
party as its representative tn the Senate ot the Uni- 
ted States — I mean Senator DicKtSscx. He sub- 
mitted at that time a resolution which declared—^ 

That true policy requires the government of the U. S., to 
stren>£then ils political and commercial relations ii/ the an- 
nexations of such contiguous territory as may conduce to 
that enu anu can be j ujtiy obtained. 

Thus, (continued Mr. RAYMOND) we have first 
the dechraticn of the leader of the democratic par- 
ty of ihe Union, and next, that of the leader of the 
democratic party of New Yoik, both pointing to 
the indefinite acqaisttion of ttrruory as a. great 
measure of national policy hereafter to be acted on 
and pursued. Now, when that policy was announc- 
ed, it became a qies'.ion of umverual interest, — on 
what terms this indefinite extension was ta be ar- 
ranged. It was at that p lint ihat the famous or- 
dinance, known as the Wilmot Proviso was intro- 
duced into the discussions oi the day. The ground 
taken by the representatives of the Ncrih was, that 
if we must have this indefinite acquisition of terri- 
tory,, it must be understood that Slavery should not 
become one cf its institutions. 

[Mr. BURROUGHS who was sitting near, here 
reminded Mr. R. that the ordinance was introduced 
by a Democrat of' Pennsylvarda.] 

Yes (continued Mr. RAY.MOND) by a Demo- 
crat of Pennsylvania — and it was acquiesced in by 
all but the Democratic party with wii.ch he was 
connected. It was ground which had been taken 
long before, by the Vv'higs — established with them 
as a rule of action, — and which h'^ adopted as hi; 
own — but to which he has not been able even yet, 
lo bring his party even at the North fully to accede. 
One result of this re-introduction of the P.'oviso 
then, was to check the spirit oi conquest which then 
prevailed. Those who had set it in motion, found 
that if this was to be the issue, they wishid no 
more of it. That was one good effect. The war 
wrJi Mexico was brought to an end sooner, nc 
doubx, in consequence of the introduction of tha: 
Proviso — for we had heard the ominous d^c!aralion 
in the same high quartrr, to which allusion has al- 
ready been made, that it^fcould do us no harm to 
swallow the v-hole of Mexico. We did noi go quite 
so far as that; Peace came, and with peace come ihe 
territory for which Congress is now calli^d on to legis- 
late. Tnis territory having come to us, and r^ quirinn 
law for its government, i he question is, uhat lav shall 
it have? and what snail be the disiinguishing pnrf- 
cip'e of that law by which it shall be governed ' — 
Here we come agaia to this general issue. The 
North insists tnat that iaw shall prohibit slavery 
within the limits of that territory. The North insis's 
that whatever law the territory has, from what 
quarter soever it mtiy come — Ijom our own gov.-rn- 
meat or frcm Mexico — whatever law is to be domi- 
nant and supreme within those limits — slavery shall 
be prohibited, until it becomes a State or States, 
and changes and remodels itsii.sii a'.ions according 
to the will of ils inhabitams. So far as the action 
of the Federal Government is concerned, the North 
insists thit slavery shall be. prohibited by any law 
which the government may recognise as pievailiog 
in the territory. That is the position, which I 
characterise as the position of the North. 

What is the reply of the South ] She declares in 
reply — (and eome of her apologists at the North 



unite in the plea) — the prohibition in question is 
unconstitutional. She insists that we have no 
right to make it. Some of those who cfpcuse her 
cause at the North, take the same ground. All do 
not venture to do it. And those who do not, have 
announced that the climate of the country has made 
it unnecessary. * 

Now here is an issue between the South with her 
Ntorthern apologists, and those who maintain the 
rights and feelings of the North on this subject. 
And the resolutions now before us, of the majority 
and minority of the select committee, in my view, 
represent substantially that very issue. Those o( 
the majority are intended, or will have the effect, 
to carry out the wishes of the South. They are the 
resolutions which reprcatnt the principles and opin- 
ions of the Bou'h, and cf her allies and apologists 
in the North. Tnose of the minority, which have 
already passed the Senate, are those whicii represent 
the feelings, the principles and the demands of ihi 

I may stop here to notice a very serious charge 
brought against the report of the minority by the 
chairman of the committee. It was distinctly stated 
by the gentleman from Erie (Mr. Ford) when that 
report was first read, that it misrepresented the res- 
olutions of the majority. I supposed, of course, 
that when the gentleman came to explain and de- 
fend his resolutions, he would take some notice of 
the declaration then made, and redeem the promise 
which that declaration implied. I was in hopes 
that when the matter came before us fairly for dis- 
cussion, he would show wherein the minority report 
misrepresents the resolutions of the majority. I have 
not heard from him further on that subject, nor has 
he made the least allusion to it. I take it for grant- 
ed that he abandons the charge, unless he shall in- 
dicate a willingness to establish it. I stand ready 
to vindicate the report of the minority on that point 
— and ask attention to the declaration made in 
these resolutions, and to what the minority report 
states in regard to them. The only^ declaration of 
opinion upon the main iioint in issue, is in the se- 
cond resolution of the series reported by the major- 
ity, in the following words: — 

Resolved, (ifihc Senate concur.) That the people of the 
State of New York are uncoinproini»i:)gly opposed to the 
ezten»ioa of slavery into any territory of the United State."?, 
where it doei not now exist ; and that our Senators in Cou- 
grees are hereby instructed, and our representatiree are re- 
quested to use their best efforis to prevent such extension by 
*u«h con«;i/uti(/7ianegislation as may bentcessary. 

Now, (continued Mr. Raysiond) the report of the 
minority declares that these resolutions "do not de- 
clare the constitutionality of a law prohibiting the 
extension of Slavery into Territory of the Union 
now free, nor do they recommend to Congress the 
passage of such a law." These are the representa- 
t5oE8 of the minority report — and I have yet to learn 
how they can be thought in the least to misrepre- 
sent any thing in these resoliltions. 

The resolutions while they seem to touch the 
point in issue, evade it altogether. They declare 
opposi'.ion to the extension of slavery, but they do 
Bot call on Congress to prohibit it by any legisla- 
tion, except such as they may deem consiilutionai 
and necessary. If the dscision upon this point 
were not a ' foregone conclusion,' there might be 
raeanins; in fhe phrase. But it is well known that 
the Free Soil parly proclaim that the resolutions 
mean nothing, — that there are two modes of escape 
from the instructions which they seem to convey. 
Those of our representative? who do not believe such 



legislation constitutional, are of course not bound by 
ihcm,and those who believe that it is unnecessary are 
free to act as they please. In either case their force 
is evaded. The resolutions are not s'mply unmean- 
ing, — they are deceptive. They not only make no 
positive and explicit declaration and thus attain 
the end at which the people aim, — ^jut by seeming 
to do this, they mislead and deceive the people 
themselves. They,are like the " juggling fiends " 
that met Macbeth on the blasted heath: — 

"They palter with us in a double sense. 
They keep the word of promise lo the car 
Hut break it to tho licpe." 

Sir, this is not the character of resolutions which 
the crisis demands This is not the language in 
which New York should make her wishes known ! 

Now, how do the minority resolutions differ? 
They differ in this plain a;id palpable respect : — 
They call on our Senators and Represenia ivce in 
Congress, to use their best efforts to prohibit by po- 
sitive enacim'-nt, the extension of Slavery into free 
terriior^. They net only oppose the extension, but 
they demand a laic to prohibit it. They require the 
Government to e:ve to the people of the territory, a 
law which shall prohibit Slavery. That is the dis- 
tinct issue between ihe North and the Scuh. That 
is the is£ue whicii is to be tried in this committee. 
On that issue, gentlemen representing their several 
constitu'.encics, will be required to take ground, be- 
cau-e it is prestnted in these two sets of resolutions, 
and they cannot evade it. 

How is this issue met, and how are we met when 
we prefs it upon the Hou?e ? We ere met, fits", by 
a reference to the late Message of the Prtsident of 
the United States on the subj ct of this free territo- 
ry. Gentlemen tell u? that Gen. Taylor declares 
in that Messsge, that he desires us net to pass any 
such law — that he recommends a " masterly inac- 
tivity" upon this subject — that there is no necessity 
for positive legislation in regard to the matter, and 
that, therefore, he desires that we shculd not take 
any action upon it. I must express my gratifica- 
tion, that gentlemen hitherto standing on a different 
platform, should now avow their willingness to abide 
by the decision of Gen. Taylor on this subject. I 
congratulate the country on the near approach of 
that day, which I have long believed was not far dis- 
tant, when this whole country, and all partif s in ih f 
country, would come to rely on the patriotism, the 
firmness, the wisdom, of that gallant old soldier. — 
I am glad to obsrrve, as among the most gratify, 
ing of thfs: significant symptoms, that the Chair- 
man cf the Select Committee, (Mr. Fokd) ex- 
presses his gratification at the tone of that mes- 
sage. 1 tsku- it for granted that he would not 
have volunteered under the peculiar circumstan- 
ces of this case, to endorse it and to stand by 
it, unless he had read it, and made himself ac- 
quainted wi:h its contents and purport ; and I beg to 
draw the attention of the committee to one cr two 
clauses in that message, — which has thus betn com- 
mended to our favor and attention by the oiherside. 

I find in that message the following declaration 
from President Taylor: — 

" As under the Constitition ' Congress has potter to maJiC 
all netdful rules and rrgidatiojis respecling thi lerriturics 
of the United Utatea,' every new acqiiiiitiin of territories 
has led to disciisslor.s on the qiiesiiou whether the syplcm 
ol incoluntury stTviludt:, which prevails in many of tlie 
States, should or ehould not be prohibiicd in tliat territory. ' 

The languagi». used in this declaration, and the 
manner in which the two subjects cf legislation and 
slavery are connected, show clearly that Gen. Tay- 



10 



LOR here recognises the main point of this whole 
discussion ; he recognizes there the full power of 
Congress to legislate on this subject ; he recognizes 
fully, clearly, unequivocally, the constitutionality of 
a law, should CongreEs pass it, prohibiting Slavery 
in these territories. I beg leave to ask the gentle- 
man from Erie, the chairman of the select commit- 
tee, whether he is ready to do to-day, what he did 
yesterday, — to endorse this position of Gen. Taylor 
on that subject. 

Mr. FORD being thus called upon, said, that the 
gentleman from New York, misunderstood what he 
said yesterday. The gralification he expressed, was 
not at anything in the message. Mr. F. expressed 
no opinion about it, one way or the other, but he 
did express his gratification, that he had been in 
Eome measure instrumental in delaying the action 
of this House on this subject, until afcer that meissge 
had been received. He expressed no opinion en 
aryihing in the message. 

, ,Mr. RAYMOND. Well, I am sorry that we 
liave lost so valuable an accession to the Taylor 
party. I understood the gentleman to congratu- 
late the country and the House on the position ta- 
ken by Gen. Taylor in that message. If I misun- 
derstood him, I regret it — but I must say, without 
intending the slightest disrespect, that I regret it 
more on his account, than on that of Gen. Tay- 
lor. It would bs creditable to any man, to take 
his stand with Gen. Taylor on that subject, and 
I don't yet abandon the hope that the gentleman 
will, before a final decision on this question, take 
that stand, — for he is, as we all know, a gentle- 
man who comes to conclusions with great caution 
and deliberation. 

Well, sir, I wish simply to say that Gen. Taylor 
in that message, distinctly, unequivocally recogni- 
ses the constitutionality of the Wilmot Proviso. I 
wish the gentleman from Erie would do the same. 
I am afraid that neither he nor his party — the par- 
ty of which he is. even under his own disclaimer, 
to a certain extent, the representative in this House 
— I am afraid that neither of them will take 
ground with Gen. Taylor in thus declaring the 
constitutionality of the Proviso. So far. then, we 
understand the position of Gen. Taylor. 

What next ■? Gen. Taylor, we are told, depre- 
cates action by Congress on this subject and there- 
fore eay the gentlemen, as the Whig party that 
elected Gen. Taylor must go with him upon this 
point, they and he are prepared to yield all that 
the South demands. The gentleman from Oihans 
(Mr. BuBHOuGHs,) in his able, eloquent, indepen- 
dent and in every way admirable address on this 
subject yesterday, took thia ground. He assumed 
that Gen. Taylor was opposed to legislative action 
because he did not wish his administration to be 
embarassed by any action or legislation on the 
subject of slavery in the tenitorles. Now, that 
gentleman owed it to himself— to say nothing of 
fairness and common justice to Gen. Tajlor, to 
state the grounds on which Gen. Taylor recom- 
mends that there should be no action upon the 
subject. He ovt'cd it to himself to read the mes- 
sage through, and to see why it is that Gen. Tay- 
lor thinks legislation upon this subject to be now 
unnecessary. His language upon that point is 
this :— 

" In my opinion such a course would not be expedient, 
especially as the jKople of t/as Territory still enjoy the he- 
nefit and protection of their municipal tairs originally de- 
rived/ram Mexico, and have a military force •tauor.cd ihere 
to protect them against the Indians." 

This is the reason given by Gen. Taylor for the 



opinion which he expresses, that legislation on the 
part of Congress is not now needed. And this 
reason is still more explicitly set forth in, the in- 
structions issued by the State Department, under 
the direction of the President, to the Honorable 
Thoma^ Butler King, when going as an agent of 
the government into the territory in question. I 
quote from those instructions, the following inty- 
esting and important passage: — 

"The laws of California and Ketc Mexico, ais they ex- 
isted at the concluaion of the Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty, re- 
gulating the relations of the inhabitant* with each other, will 
necessarily remain inforce in the Territories. 

" Their relations with the former Government havebeea 
dissolved and new relations cheated between them and the 
Government of the United States, but tiie existing laws reg- 
ulating the relations (J the people icith each other will con- 
tinue until others lawfully tmicted shall supercede them.-' 

Those laws, (continued 3Ir. Raymond,) as yoU\ 
are all aware, prohibit slavery in those territories. 
This, then, is the platform of the Whig Adminis- 
tration with General Taylor at its head, upon this 
subject— that legislation is not now required, be- 
cause the territories already have laics upon this 
subject. So far from scying, then, that legislation 
is not necessary because of the climate of the 
territories, — or the unconstitutionality of such 
legislation, or because it would embarass the 
administration, — the administration steps for- 
ward and says that the laws of the territo- 
ries already prohibit slavery therein, and that 
the administration will maintain those laws and 
insist upon their being enforced, until some other 
law to be passed by Congress shall supersede them. 
Now, what ground is there for the intimation 
that Gen. Taylor desired to evade or avoid 
this question 1 Why sir, he goes far in advance 
of all of us ! Gen. Taylor says that Congress 
need not legislate on this subject, because the ad- 
ministration will see to it, that slavery is pro- 
hibited according to laws already in force within 
those territories. That is the ground we occupy — 
and if it had been taken months ago, by the Dem- 
ocratic party then in power, when it was at- 
tempted to brf taken by the Whigs, there would 
have been n? necessity for the agitation which 
has since so alarmed the timid and excited the 
whole country. Gentlemen may recollect the po- 
sition of the democratic party in Congress on this 
subject. Mr. Calhoun declared in his place in 
the Senate, that it was absurd to suppose that the 
laws of Mexico were in force in the territories, — 

that the constitution 

Mr. BURROUGHS I hope the gentleman does 
not intend to hold the democratic party responsible 
for all that Mr. Calhoun has said. 

Mr. RAYMOND. What I " intend" to do will 
probably become apparent when I ptoceed to do it. 
I have not done it yet. 

Mr. BURROUGHS. I inferred from the gentle- 
man's remark that he was about to do it — such was 
the impression which his remark would naturally 
convey. 

Mr. RAYMOND. I cannot be responsible for 
the gentleman's inferences. It is my businrss to 
state facts and arguments: I cannot supply his lack 
of understanding or of logic. I said that Mr. Cal- 
houn took the ground that it was absurd to suppose, 
that the laws of Mexico were now in force in the 
territories conquered from her by the United States. 
The same ground was taken by other Democratic 
Senators— North as well as South. They resisted 
this pretence, as they called it, that the laws of 
Mexico were still in force in the territories. 
Mr. BURROUGHS ; Will the gentleman autc 



u 



what Demoqratic Senator from the North took iha' 
ground ? 

Mr. RAYMOND: lam willing that it shoulu 
stand for the present as a general statement. 

Mr. BUaaOUGHlS : I prefer that such a state- 
ment should be more specific. 

Mr. RAYMOND: I will u.ake it mor- specific 
when th.; gentlemanehall impugn it in r.'gular course 
oi debate. 1 cinnot sup aside from the Lne of re 
mark, to saiisiy all his scruples. I say that that 
ground was taken by a large section of the Demo- 
cra'.ic party. I have never seen that position de- 
nied or^dispuicd by -hat party, or by any portion of ii 
North or South. I understood the gentleman from 
Orleans himself, to take (he ground in his remarks 
yesterday, that it wasa " pretc.\i" on w hich the Whig 
par'.y were tryins; to iiet rid of the main qucs'.ion. 

Mr. BURROUGHS : I have not spoken on the 
merits of this qaestion at all. The only object I 
had yesterday was to bring up the gentleman from 
New York and his friends, to a proper discuision 
of this quertion. 

Mr. R.\YMOND. I congratulate the gentleman 
on having succeeded, and hope he may be gratified 
by tiie result. I state again that I understood the 
gentleman himself to sneer at ih's very point, as a 
" pretext" on the part of the whigs. If I misunder- 
stood him, I will withdraw the s'.atement. I un- 
derstood him to say that the assumption that the 
Mexican laws were still in force in the terriiories, 
was a pretext on the part of the whigs to get rid of 
this question. I take it for granted, and he will 
not deny, that the gentleman to a certain extent 
speaks for the democratic party in this House and 
State. So far as he does so, that is the sentiment of 
his party. So tar, therefore, I have answered the 
demand of the gentleman for "specific facts." — 
[Laughter.] 

Now, sir, I have to call attention, for one mo- 
ment, again, to the position of Gen. Taylor, on 
this subject. His position is this : — That it will be 
constitutional :"or Congress to enact a law, prohibit- 
ing Slavery in the territories ;— and I understand 
him to say — and the Government to say — that Sla- 
very ia now prohibited there by law — and that he 
and his Administration are pleged to insist on the 
execution of that law, until it shall be superseded 
by the legislation of Congress. 

And now 1 wish simply to ask gentlemen here, 
who took par; in the last Presidential canvass — 
gentlemen of all shades of the Democratic party, 
to contrast this declaration, with the confident pre- 
dictions they made as to the position and future ac- 
tion of Gen. Taylor on this subject. I recollect 
distinctly, that the whole land rung with the asser- 
tion that Gen. Ttylor was a Southern planter — a 
Southern Slave-holder — a Southern pro-Slavery 
champion ; — and that as such, he would veto the 
Proviso, if passed by Congress. And the idea was 
ridiculed that a Southern man like Gen. Tayi.ok 
could rise so far abovs sectional prejudices, as- 
sociations and interest?, as to do otherwise. — 
Gentlemen here need no", be reminded cf the terms 
of opprobrium — of insult and of outrage with which 
this charge was reiterated from one end of the land 
to the other, by gentlemen who claim to be the sole 
friends of free territory, as well as by those who 
sought simply free soil votes, and cared nothing for 
free soil principles. We heard this charge in all 
shapes, and in all quarters of the North. But how 
has it turned out? We now see this Southern 
planter — this Louisiana Blave-holder, who, it was 



predicted, could not fail to be the instrument and 
agent of the South, — who was certain to veto the 
Proviso, and use all the power of his high otnje to 
extend slavery into the territories — we now find 
him publicly declaring his belief, that the Wilmot 
Proviso would be constitutional if applied to the 
territories, — that slavery is already prohibited there 
by law, and that he will see to it, that the law en- 
acting such prohibition is duly enforced I 

But, genilrmen ask us, why, if all this be eg — if 
these laws are in force in the territories, arid if Gen. 
Taylor is ready to maintain them, why we should 
be so anxious to instruct our Senators dnd Repre- 
sentatives en the subject. They argue that it is un- 
necessary, and thertfure urge that we ought not to 
psss these rcsoluiions. Now, we mii;ut concede all 
that, if they would sive uspted.e3 ibr the action of 
Congress on the subj'Ct. Btar in mind that the 
recommendation of Gfn. Taylor is .T-ldressed to 
Congress ;— the decision rests vdih Congress, not 
with U3, — whether this Me.\ican law shall or shall 
not bs superseded by the law of Congress itself. — 
Now, who has the maj ;iy in Congress ] In the 
Senate the Democratio party, — in the House cf 
Representatives the D^-mocratic and Free Soil party 
together, have the majority. Now, will this party 
pleJge themselves to maintain the existing laws of 
the territories — to stand by Gen. Taylor's position 
on that subject! Will they assure us here, if we 
leave it where it is, that it shall not be disturbed ? — 
If they would do that, they would relieve us of all 
difficulty. But what are the signs of the times ? — 
We see already a distinguished Senator of that par- 
ty — perhaps the most distinguished and active, I 
will not siy the most influsntial. Senator of that 
party — (I mean Senator Foote, of Mississippi,) we 
see that he has already introduced bills into the 
Senate, for giving laws to no less than four new 
territories, without any such prohibition of slavery. 
Senator Houston, another leading democratic Sen- 
ator, has introduced resolutions looking still more 
directly to the extension of slavery into the territo- 
ries in question. On every side, we see movements 
of the democratic party, towards giving territorial 
governments to these territories — towards supersed- 
ing the Mexican law, now in force, by our own 
laws. Now, is it safe to sit still and rely on their 
foibearance towards Ger. Taylor ? They evident- 
ly are going straight ahead, to give a territorial 
government to that country; and what we demand 
is, that if they persist in doing that — if ihey will 
not allow the Mexican law to reman in forcp — we 
demand that they shall insert the provision by which 
we propose to exclude slpvery, in any law they may 
pass to supersede it. 

I cannot see the sliah'eet shade of diffrence be- 
tween the views r i' Gen. Taylor and those of the 
rrso'uions reported by the minority of the committee. 
They belong together. They are parts of the same 
system. It is, undoubtedly, true, that if we had 
v.aited before framing our re^olutionp, until after the 
Message had been received, we might have adapt- 
ed their language (which was all I understood 
the gentleman from Orleans to object to) more pre- 
cisely to that of Gen. Taylor. But the'princip'esof 
both are the same. The substantial elements of both 
are the same ; the end of both is the same ; the 
means of attaining that end, positive law prohibit- 
ing Slavery, are the same in both. What more can 
any man ask ? 

It is said by gentlemen on the other side, that the 
climate of the territories is hostile to the exiBtence 



12 



cfslavery therein, and (he genileman from Rrie 
('Mr Foed) urged that men living under the influ 
ences cf a clima'.csomild, and of a nature s > benefi- 
cent and al!ur:ng, could not possibly en'ertain the 
purpose or the ihou;::htcf enslaving their Ullow mew. 
It reaily cannot be nicfssary lo argue these minor 
points of objection. No man here, no matter ot 
what parly, who really desires to excltirfe slavt-ry 
from these territories, can be willing to leave it to 
the influence of clitnaie. Would lo Heaven that 
we could rely up">n Nature, by her 8>ft and gentle 
influences, thus to cleanse the he»rt of man of its ssl- 
fish and deg'ading passions, of iis base and unholy 
purposes, — of its love of domination and despotic 
powfr. Bit. we all know that !h • worst passions 
rage the his/h^st where Nature speaka in her softest 
and most alluring strains. It is iiie "land of the 
East," it is 

" the land of the cedar and vine, 

Where all, sari; the spirit rf mar. U divine." 

Something more than climate ;s essential to that 
great woik. Law may do something. Law may 
check some of the impulses of pasaion — may pre- 
vent some of its outward excesses. Tis for that 
we setk to employ law here. The deeper, the 
more essential, the only real change, must be left 
to influences from a higher source. 

We are told that such a law would be unconsti- 
tutional, — or lo ?p?ak more accurately, its cons i u- 
tionality is left in doubt. No'.v I desire to see this 
point distinctly taken and decided here. I wish 
this Hou.=e to d.c'are, as Gfn. Taylor has done, 
that it is constitutional forCongress to prohibit Sla- 
very by such legisla;ion. And I do not think that 
members here who maintain the principle of free 
soil, or their constituents who sent them here to 
sustain and enforce it, will be satisfied with any 
dechration short of that. 

We are told, furtheriT:ore, that it would be high- 
ly improper to pass these resolutions, because it 
would be offensive and insulting to th^ South, and 
would be intermeddling with the afTairs of other 
States. The resolutions cf the minority are op 
posed on this ground. Now, there is nothing what- 
ever, to give the laintest shadow of color to this 
assertion. The only point, on whicli the slight- 
est foundation for such a pretence can be rais 
ed, is that the resolutions are agiinst the exten- 
sion of Slavery. So are those of the majority. — 
They are on the same footing, therefore, in that re- 
ip-ct ; and if one is in?uhing, so is the other. — 
But there is nothing of insult in either. They 
simply set forth our opinions and principles and 
call on those who represent us in Congress, to aid 
in carrying them out. This plea i.^ urged on the 
part of the Southern States: — forbearance is 
asked on their behalf. It is urged that we should 
use no langUTge of which they hove a rij;.ht to com 
plain. I would not on any occasion or on any sub- 
ject use ariy language, to v/hich any Stnto or any 
individucl. could justly take exception ; but I must 
say that this pica comes with a very baa grace ox^ 
the part of the S^ulh,- on the p?>rt of States th.-.t 
have never hesitcted to use l.^nguage most ofl":n- 
sive and iniulting whenever (hey had an object to 
attain thereby,— and in which, morcover.t'jey have 
never failed to Gnd apologists at ths North for in- 
sults ofl"8red, in the very men who now demand 
forbearance on their behalf. 

We are told aonin that the Srtuh threatens the 
dieoluMon of this Union — and that therelore 'we 
should not act. Now, once ee'.ablish this, as a prin- 
ciple and precedent,— once let the Empire State 



with her one seventh part of the popular represen- 
tatio.n of the country, concede the principle, that 
whenever one section of the confederacy, chooses to 
j threaten to dissolve the Union, if another spction. 
; does D'.t legislate to meet her wishes, and where 
; are we \ We shall have threats of cifunioa when- 
I ever the South wants mnn?y to dig out a Southern 
j harbor — (for she is not in favor of digsing out any 
j other.) We see that the South understands this very 
well already. She knows the weight which may at- 
I tach to her threats ; — and we have seen, within a 
few wefks past, thnt we cannot even choose a door- 
keeper for the Cspitol, except under stress of South- 
ern threats. Unless we consent to mike a. choice 
consis'ent wiiti her wishes, the South declares she 
will dissolve the Union ! . [Laughter."! Once es- 
tablish such a precedent, by acqaiesciiig in it, and 
it will be used against us, and justly too, ev.-ry day 
of every sesson. I wcu'd do nothir:g,sir, that may 
tend in th? rrm^ttst degree to dissolve the Union, 
but I do no* believe th'st the South will do any such 
ihing, even if we prohibit the extensirn of Slavery 
into free territory. I do not mean to say iha' they 
who make these threats are not sincere in their io- 
tentio;is to carry them out. I only inns', that they 
are not the intentions of the South or of the South- 
ern people ; and that they never will give their 
•anc.ioii to any scheme of dissolution for such a cause. 
Why, on what ground, do they threaten lo dissolve 
the Union ? To preserve and perpetuate slavery — 
that is xh.". only object ever urged as a motive for 
diasoluti-in. Nov7 any man can see, upon a nio- 
ment'c refl -ciion, that the remedy would be worse, 
infiiii ely worse, than the disease. They threaten 
to ditsalve the Union, because the Union will not 
allow them to extei'd slavery into California and 
New Mexico. Suppose their threat to have been 
pur, in e.tecutio;i and the Union dissolved, — do they 
expect to extend slavery into these territories 
then ? They comp'ain that we do not now return 
ih^ir fugitive slaves, and threaten for this to dissolve 
the Union. Sappos<^ it done, — do hey expect us 
to return them then ? Th-y complain that we in- 
terfere with their affair?, — that wf excite their 
sLves and rendf rihe institution odious ; and for this 
'hf y threaten dissolution. Do they expect thus to 
escape that interference ? Let the Union be dis- 
solved upon this er-iund. and every man at the 
North would inevitably be converted into an open, 
activ-^, fanatical enemy of slavery as it CAis'.s in the 
Soutliern States. There would be no room for two 
parties, or for diffircnce of sentiment, at the North 
upon this subject, afrer the golden chain should 
ihiis have been snapped asunder. Where you now 
find one abolition ag^nt, stealing his way througti 
the Southern Stat'^s inducing slaves to m-ike their 
eecape, you would then find hundreds. The whole 
North would bee me aroused to the highest 
pitch of fanat cism upon the subjrct, and would 
deem it a holy duty to set on f fot a holy cnisade 
against Slavery in the Soutii. And instead of see- 
ing here ard there a solitary instance of interfe- 
rence with the rights of the Sjuihern State?, we 
should find thousands reatfy nnd eager to ettgsge in 
it as a systematic work. What sort of a r-medy 
would this be for the gvievanc-s cf wh'chibeScuth- 
ern Staicsn.TW complain? They would have sim- 
p'y this alternative, acquiescence or open war. — 
They would unq^r^stionably, in sheer despair choose 
the latter. Ard what would be the result of that ? 
I have no desire to anticipate the blocdy horrors of 
such a struggle. I have only to say of it, ths*. 



13 



(iisaBtrous ae it \<rould be to the intereets of the 
North, — itTiible as would be the blow it would 
strike at ihe interests and glory of cur common 
country, — '.enfold, yes, a hundred <old greater 
would be its horrors for the Southern States. 

These facts the Southern people know full well 
They know, those of them who will allow the voice 
of reason to be h-'arJ for a single mc merit know, lull 
well, that u.e only hold they have on the forbear- 
ance of the North, the only ground on which ihey 
can hope for th' ir non-intfrvention in their domes- 
tic affairs, comes from the Constitution which binds 
lis both. They know in their hearts, whatever 
may be their words, that the North has been true to 
that compact in all essential riEpects. I do not, for 
I cannot, d^ny that there have been infractions of 
it, though it lias been in rare and isolated cases ; but 
I do deny that ihey havebefn committed or encour- 
aged by the preat body of the people ol the North, 
or of the Empire State. And in spite cf this, iht- 
South knows, and whtn it comes to an issue, the 
South will ftcl, that the only anchor of safety for 
Slavery as it now exists in the Southern Ssates, is 
the Constitution of our common Union. I do not 
btlieve th'' people of the South are yet mad enough 
to destroy that Constitution, to break that Union, to 
throw away 'he only shield which turns away from 
their domesuc insiiiiition, the hostile blows cf i'e 
deadly ent mies. And therefore, I do not believe there 
is any real ditigepof a dissolu;ion cf th''. Union. 

There is another reason which has great weight 
with me in coming to this conclusion. I do not 
believe the Union will be dissolved, because we 
have in the Eieculive Chair Zachary Taylor, — 
a man of the Union, and for the Union, — and a 
man who, with the will, has also the power to pre- 
serve the Union, I cannot but regard it as a most 
fortunate,— I may say a providential circumstance, 
hat in this great crisis of her fate — (for such it 
may and will be deemed in after times) our country 
has such a man, from such a section, and animat- 
ed by such views, in the Presidential Chair. What. 
let me ask, would have been the position of the 
country if that chair were now filled by a Northern 
man, elected by Northern votes and on Northern 
grounds 1 Would he have had the sliirhtest con- 
trol over the country upon this suVjectI Would 
he have had the slightest hold on the confidence 
of the South 1 Suppose that the candidate of (he 
Free Soil party (Mr. Van Buren) had been elect- 
ed, — and the case is at least suppot=able. Suppo.-e 
that he had been elected, — pledged to the Buffalo 
platform,— a platform on which gentlemen whom I 
recognize as members here, then took their stand, — 
what would have been the com ition of the coun- 
try now 1 I have no doubt, sir, that h^d iWr. Van 
BuBEN, a Nortlie'^n man, pledged at last to North- 
ern principles, pledged to carry out the precise 
principles established at Bufl'alo, been elected to the 
V Presidency exclusively by Northern vjtes, (as he 
must have been if elected at all.) and against the 
united vote of the Southern States, — there would 
have baen reason to entertain fears for the prcser- 
* va'ion of this Union. 

However this may be, I regard it as most fortunate 
thai Gen. Taylor is new in the Presidential Chair, 
a Southern mm, elected in part by Southern States, 
having a hold, in identity of interest and to some 
extent of feelin?, upon the confidence of the South, 
and able to command the support of the South in 
whatever course he may deem best suited to pre- 
serve the Constitution and the Union of our com- 
mon Country. In that (act I find strong reasons 



for believing that there will be no dissolution of the 
1' ''rin in con.-cquence of the action of Congress or 
of the government upon this subj-'Ct. 

Now, it must not be unders'ood or inferred, from 
anythinw I have said, or from the line of remark 
which I have adopted, that there is on my part, to 
any *ven the least degree, a lack of devotion to the 
Union of these Stales and to the Cons'itution which 
created ai;d maintains it. The gentleman from 
Orleans, (Mr. nuRROUcns) said yesterday that the 
resolutions of the minority are silt in concerning the 
Union. He is mistaken. He spoke unadvisedly, I 
an sure. Those resolutions declare in explicit lan- 
guage, — 

•' That ihc people nf this State arc dciirous of preserving 
nu'iolats Ihe (cdcral union, and lliat they will strenuously 
oppo.^e iill atteinpis, from whatever source they may ema- 
Udie, or under wt'aiever pretence they may be made, to 
efftct its dissolution." 

That declaration is as stronc as language can 
make it. F r my own part, no man h'-re or else- 
where shall or can go b'yond me, in any expression 
of devoiion to the Union of these States and to the 
Coi.stitution of our common coiintry. I love it for 
the blood tl.ai bought it— forth= wis lorn, the patri- 
otism, the self-sacrificing devotion to the pr.nciples 
of justice and of freerioin, which built it up, (wis- 
dom and devotio.T which I f'sr we may not hrpe to 
see aga'n,) and v.hich made it. a? I hope and trust 
it may he, perpetual. I love it for the bhsstngs it 
has conf;:rred on cur common criuntry — for the ex- 
ample it holds for h to the whole wor d. I love it 
for the good it guaranties to ourselves and our pos- 
tetiy, to the r( molest generations. I love it for the 
hiah car.^er of justice and of huran righ;s on which 
it has launched th's miehty and growing people. I 
love it becau-e it holds forth to the world a form of 
government under which man nt.ay enjcy h's rights, 
develope his powers, elevate and build up his char- 
acter, and atta:n here on earih the full s aiure of 
that prrfect mar.hood f)r which God created and 
designed him. I hope this Union may go on for 
agi s in this same great career. I hope to see these 
States join hand in hand to make themselves, in the 
words of Milton, " ihe prais? and the heroic song 
of all pcs'eritys" Let us ssy to ih?ra, as that great 
prophet said to the. twin ratior>s, Ens'and and Scot- 
lar;d, when mischievous and audaclo s men sought 
by stormy bluster to nar the horrid standard of ha- 
ired and disunion between them — " C'mmit se- 
curely to trite wisdom the vanquishing of craft and 
irjuiiice ; — join yrur invincible might to do worthy 
and godlike deeds; — and then he that scks to 
break your union, a chaving curse be his inheri- 
■ance to^ill generations!" 

And now, in regard to the issue before us, we 
ask only for fair, equal and just legi.-lation for the 
I whole country. We desire to use no ininUing or 
off-nsive language, — we will not trench on the rights 
of any state or of any section. We only aek that 
the principles held and deemed ees.°ntial by the 
People of the State of New-Yrrk, snail be clearly 
and correctly set fcrth, and allowed to have the 
weight which is their di:e in the councils of the 
federal government. We propose simply to say to 
those who represent us there*, — we expect you to 
use ihe'power the People of New-Y<,rk have en- 
trusted to your hands in defence of the principles 
which they hold dear. We expect you to embody 
those principles in any law which Congress may pass 
upon this subject, and to resist the passage 
of any law in which they are not embodied. 
We wish some positive law to be enacted, o 



14 



recognized as having force, which shall exclude 
Slavery from that territory of the United 
States which now is free. It is the duty of the ad- 
minisiration to put that law into execution. That 
duty will be discharged. And if the South objects 
to It on the ground that it is unconstitutional, we 
appeal to the Supreme Court — the tribunal created 
by the Constitution, to be the common arbiter of all 
euch disputed questions. The State of New York 
calls for the law, and trusts to that high tribunal for 
its constitutionality. That decision must be final. 
The North will so regard it. If the South refuses 
that appeal, — if she refuses :o be bound by the judg- 
ment oi that high Court to wh'ch the whole Union 
has solemnly covenanted to submit all such great 
controversies for final and decisive settlement, — if 
she refuses this, she repudiates the Constitution, — 
she violates the explicit letter of the compact. The 
Union by her act is dissolved already. 

I have protracted these remarks, Mr. Chairman, 
much bftyond my original intention. And lest I 
should weary the kind indulgence with wh'ch the 
committee has followed mc thus far, I must pass 
ever some points upon which I intended to say 
somewhat. I designed to speak of the position of 
the several political parties in this State on this sub- 
ject. But I waive that. I do not know that it is 
necessary. The essential fac's in the case are fa- 
miliar to all. They are embodied in the report of 
the minority of the select committee, and by that 
report I am willing to stand. I underiake to make 
good all that it asserts whenever it shall be impt'gn- 
ed. I think it clear that the people of this State 
are more nearly unanimous on the constitutionality 
of such a law, prohibiting Slavery from free territo- 
ry, and in calling on Congress to embody such an 
enactment in any law giving government to that 
territory, which they may pass, than on any politi- 
cal topic whatever. I assert, and gentlemen know 
it to be true, that this very point has been made an 
issue in all our recent elections, — and there are 
gentlemen in this Ht use who hold their seats solely 
in consequence of their adhesion to the principle 
herein set forth. It has been said here that the 
Whigs have been losing ground since they took po- 
sition on that subject. There is a reason for that, 
aside from the assumed unpopularity of the tree soil 
principles which they have maintained. They have 
been out-boasted on this subject by gentlemen who 
have got th' ir seats thereby. I kiiow districts in 
this State where the Whigs took a stand on this 
position ; but Democratic candidates insisted that 
they were more zealously in favor t f it, and that they 
would go furiher in its defence thru the Whigs. — 
They insisted on that and nothing short of that, — 
namely the prohibition of slavery by positive enact- 
ment, and they insisied moreover thit the Whigs 
would try to evade that issue. Thus, ihey got their 
eeats by inducing the people to believe that they 
were not only free soil men, — but the only men who 
could be trusted upon that subject ! The fact that 
the Whigs may have lost ground, therefore, when 
traced to its proper cause, provts the unanimity of 
the people on that point. Now, those who acquired 
their seats in that way, are to act here on this 
floor, upon this subject. 1 hope th-y will retain the 
same ground now which they took then. I con- 
fess, I am not confident in my expectations. Some 
of th^m may. We have seen one example of a 
gentleman of that party who is willing to place 
himself before the country on this basis — and that 
fivowedly because be knows it to be the basis which 



the people require. ' .lot know whether his 

example will be imitat, J or not. I go on the fact 
that the majority of the select committee, appointed 
by this house and sufpnsed to represent the wishes, 
the feelings, the principles of the democratic party 
in this House, — sustained by that party in all things 
thus fay, have reported resolutions which evade the 
whole subject, — which do not declare that such a 
law wonld be constitutional — or thai such a law 
should be enacted. This fact leads me to fear, that 
gentleman who got their seats on that ground, may 
seek to keep them oir some other ground. And 
upon this point I have only to remind gentlemen 
that, as the question is not now up for the first time, 
so it is not now up for the lar. .ime. Gentlemen 
will have to meet it again, when they come to ren- 
der an account of thsir stewardship to those who 

, sent them hither. And the action which they see 
fit now to take, — the vote they see fit now to give, 

! upon the issue fairly and distinctly presented in the 

I two sets of resolutions now before the committee, 
will afford a more decisive test of their real princi- 

I pies and sentiments, than any professions they may 
make, either here or elsewhere. 

I And now, I have only to say further, that, in aH 
this matter, I have not been governed by any desire 
»o agitate unnecessarily or mischievously, any sub- 
jct whatever. I have not acted from any personal 
considerations or from any desire of popularity, 
though I must say, with the gentleman from Or- 
leans (Mr. BcKROuens) that any popularity which 
mny follow the course of any gentleman upon this 
subject, must come from this direction. He who 
expects to gain popularity or public confidence by 
opposing this unanimous sentiment of the oeople of 
this State, will find himself sadly decei'. _ •.'h-^nhe 
comes to grasp the favor he seeks. Nor have I act- 
ed under any local influence, or from any overween- 
ing zeal on the part of my constituents. I represent 
a district of the city of New York, and it has been 
said that the people of that city are not in favor of 
agitation upon this subject. The remark may, 
to that extent, be true. The city may not have 
shared to the full extent, the fervid and zealous sen- 
timent of the country upon this question. Commer- 
cial as her interests mainly are, it would be strange 
if she had. But those whom I repr. sent, and the 
party with which I act, in that city, are in favor of 
the princip'es which these resolutions set forth. They 
believe that Slavery should be prohibited from free 
territory by positive law. And I am not at all ap- 
prehensive that those who sent me here will com- 
plain of the couise which I have seen fit to take. 

But I have felt entirely at liberty, — I have felt 
bound by my duty, to consult the sentiments and the 
wishes of tlje people of the whole State, as well as 
those whom I represent. I have endeavored to act 
upon the principles h-^ld on this subject in the Wes- 
tern section, the garden of the State, the dwelling 
place of free men and of free thought — the home of 
my childhood, the land where above all others on 
this earth, my affctions rest. There, you need not 

j be told, but one feeling, but one wish, prevails. I 
have endeavored also to keep in view the wishes 

I and the feelings of the northern section of this great 

I State, where the same principles have been longsince 
established, where they were proclaimed by a dis- 
tinguished democrat now deceased, and where they 
have been upheld as firmly and as nobly as in any 
other part of this commonwealth. The people of that 
section will not, I am sure, change their ground up- 
on this subject, while the memory of Silas Wrioht 



15 



shall be kept alive, a u, tf preeminent ability, I 
from whom, in common w?th the party with which j 
I act, I differed in many things, but who stood forth j 
peerless among the statesmen of this country, or : 
any other, for Republican simplicity of habits and 
of character, — a simplicity not surpassed by that of; 
any name in Spartan or in Roman annals. So | 
have I also had respect to the sentiments of the ! 
great Central section of this State, where <he pub- 1 
lie heart has but one pulsation on this great theme ' 
I have sought to act upon what I believe to be i 



the principles and the wishes of the people of the 
whole State. I believe that they regard a law 
prohibiting slavery from territory now free, to be 
entirely In accordance with the provisions of the 
Constitution, and that they desire the establish- 
ment of such a law as part of any government 
under which the people of those territories may be 
required to live. It is for their immediate repre- 
sentatives, here, assembled, to say, whether those 
who represent them in Congress are to regard that 
as their wish, or not. 



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